Author: client_access

  • The Politics of a Flatbread

    Rolled out in kitchens across the Indian subcontinent, roti has remained a humble flatbread that has travelled far and wide in tiffins and memories, surviving displacement, scarcity, and change. It moved in the hands of traders, sailors, migrants, and indentured labourers — its shape shifting with every border it crossed. Even in its earliest forms, roti wasn’t just sustenance; it was a migrant story. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, after the abolition of slavery, Britain sent over 1.3 million Indian indentured labourers to far-flung colonies — about 145,000 to Trinidad alone between 1845 and 1917. Alongside clothes and keepsakes, they carried recipes and muscle memory: the instinct to make something familiar in an unfamiliar land.

     

    Where wheat was scarce, they improvised. In the Caribbean, that meant lentils — giving rise to dhalpuri, roti stuffed with split peas and blistered on a hot plate. In Malaysia, Indian Muslim migrants known as mamak stretched dough into roti canai, paired with dhal or sweetened condensed milk. Even Mexico’s tortilla, though corn-based, echoes roti’s logic of adaptability: a flatbread shaped by the land it’s made on. What this really shows is that roti’s evolution has always been tied to power — who moves, who adapts, and whose foodways get preserved or erased.

     

    Culinary Power and Ownership: Who Gets to Tell the Story?

     

    Today, Indian cuisine means different things in different parts of the world. In London, it may appear on a tasting menu; in Trinidad, in a lunchtime wrap; in Kuala Lumpur, at breakfast. This diversity hints at the breadth of Indian food’s migration — but also reveals who gets celebrated and who gets edited out of the frame.

     

    Sliced beef and vegetables on a tortilla | Image Credit: Los Muertos Crew on Pexels

     

    In some Western dining spaces, Indian flavours are reframed as modern or refined, often with little acknowledgement of the histories they carry. British chef Tom Kerridge’s £28 Butter Chicken, for instance, reflects its market and audience, yet became a talking point because of how casually it detached a dish rooted in Delhi homes and dhabas from its cultural context. For many, the issue wasn’t the reinvention — it was the idea of presenting it at a luxury price point without any real nod to where it came from. On supermarket shelves, boutique spice brands continue to favour polished packaging even as conversations about sourcing and credit grow more urgent with the rise of diaspora-led brands.

     

    Of the few Michelin-recognised Indian restaurants in the world, many sit outside India — a reminder that global prestige often arrives only when Indian cuisine is filtered through Western institutions. London alone has multiple Michelin-starred Indian restaurants, while India has none under the official Michelin Guide, which still doesn’t operate in the country. The symbolism writes itself.

     

    At the same time, borrowing isn’t a one-way street. Indian chefs reinterpret French pâtisserie, Japanese matcha, and New York bagels, layering their own histories onto global forms. The question isn’t whether adaptation is allowed — it’s whether the origin story stays visible, and whether those who shaped a dish have a seat at the table when its value is determined.

     

    Picture a grandmother in Port of Spain dusting flour off her palms, or a student in London making roti on a tiny stovetop because it tastes like home. For many, cooking it is an act of remembrance. For others, it’s the start of experimentation.

     

    Reception and Reality

     

    The flavours may be the same, but the reception rarely is. Restaurants serving “elevated Indian street food” often draw critical attention, while Indian-run dhabas offering similar dishes are rarely spotlighted. Part of this is access — who can secure prime real estate, hire PR, or design spaces that match fine-dining expectations. Part of it is perception: dishes become more “approachable” when plated minimally, spiced subtly, and narrated through a Western frame.

     

    Economically, the landscape mirrors this. The market for Indian packaged foods and spices has grown rapidly, with diaspora-led brands driving global curiosity. Those who control the narrative often control the profits, too.

     

    But these tensions exist within the diaspora as well. A Trinidadian dhalpuri won’t taste like a Punjabi roti, yet both carry the same emotional resonance for those who grew up eating them. Authenticity becomes a question of belonging rather than purity: who decides what counts, and what gets preserved?

     

    A serving of soft-shell tacos | Image Credit: ROMAN ODINTSOV on Pexels

     

    Preserving and Redefining Roti Across Borders

     

    Despite all its migrations and reinventions, roti is still rolled out each morning — soft, warm, familiar. Picture a grandmother in Port of Spain dusting flour off her palms, or a student in London making roti on a tiny stovetop because it tastes like home. For many, cooking it is an act of remembrance. For others, it’s the start of experimentation. Across the globe, chefs, home cooks, and street vendors add to roti’s atlas of identities, each version shaped by history, geography, and personal taste.

     

    In the end, roti’s story isn’t about drawing hard lines between “pure” and “changed.” It’s about recognising that every flatbread — whether folded around curry in Trinidad, flipped in a Malaysian street stall, or plated in a New York bistro — carries the imprint of the hands that made it and the landscapes it travelled through. The challenge is making sure those hands and landscapes aren’t forgotten when the dish arrives at the table.

  • Why Gen Z Turns to Social Media for Financial Advice

    Scroll long enough and you’ll find a Gen Z creator explaining compound interest with the same energy someone else uses for a GRWM. Another breaks down taxes the way friends dissect breakups. It’s oddly comforting. Financial advice, once the domain of suits and spreadsheets, now arrives with trending audio and jump cuts.

     

    For Gen Z, money lessons don’t come from a person in a blazer across a mahogany desk. They come from social media. From Instagram Reels explaining how to budget on ₹45,000 a month in a metropolitan city. From TikToks that start with, “Here’s what I wish I’d known at 18.” And while that might sound unserious at first glance, it makes more sense the longer you sit with it.

     

    Nearly 70 per cent of Gen Z turns to social media for financial guidance | Image Credit: rupixen on Unsplash

     

    This is a generation that grew up watching adults lose jobs overnight, watching rent climb faster than salaries, watching the 2008 financial crisis ripple through their families, and watching student debt turn into something closer to inheritance. They’re not hostile to financial knowledge. They’re wary of how it’s been delivered. Too formal. Too opaque. Too late.

     

    So they go where explanations already live, their feeds.

     

    A recent US study found that nearly 70 percent of Gen Z turns to social media or the internet for financial guidance, compared to 57 percent of millennials and 38 percent of Gen X. TikTok leads the pack, followed by Instagram, podcasts, and online communities. That hierarchy matters. TikTok isn’t just popular. It’s where the language feels native. Short. Fast. Personal. No jargon, no shame, no assumption that you already know the basics.

     

    Social media didn’t replace banks, advisors, or financial education. Institutions left a gap, and the internet filled it. Not always accurately. Not always safely.

     

    What older observers often miss is that Gen Z doesn’t treat social media advice as gospel. Many openly acknowledge the risks. They cross-check tips on Google, Reddit, or with a friend who “knows this stuff.” They follow multiple creators precisely because they don’t fully trust any single one. The appeal isn’t blind credibility. It’s accessibility.

     

    Formal finance still feels like a club with a dress code. Social media feels like you can walk in wearing pyjamas.

     

    This shift isn’t limited to the United States. In India, “share market” creators explain SIPs and stock basics through memes and masala edits. In Brazil, TikTokers dance while breaking down inflation. In Nigeria, young creators teach forex trading with the same cadence others use for makeup tutorials. In South Korea, finance YouTubers cut advice with K-drama clips and jokes about anxiety that land a little too close to home.

     

    Across contexts, the tone is the same: peer-to-peer, informal, and emotionally fluent. What differs is the risk profile. Misinformation spreads easily. So do exaggerated claims and casual scams. The line between a helpful tip and a dangerous shortcut can blur in a 30-second reel.

     

    Regulators have started to notice. In Australia, nearly one in three young adults follows at least one financial influencer, and most admit those influencers have changed their behaviour. In India, new SEBI guidelines require “fin-fluencers” to disclose sponsorships and avoid offering unlicensed advice. The UK and Brazil are moving in similar directions. The goal isn’t to shut these creators down, but to acknowledge that they’ve become part of the financial ecosystem, whether institutions like it or not.

     

    But focusing only on regulation misses the larger point.

     

    Gen Z lives in an economic reality where traditional markers of stability feel increasingly distant. Homeownership feels abstract. Inflation eats entire paychecks. Long-term planning feels like a luxury reserved for people with cushions. In that context, advice that feels human, immediate, and survivable carries more weight than advice that feels correct but unreachable.

     

    Gen Z lives in a time where traditional stability feels increasingly distant | Image Credit: Leeloo The First on Pexels

     

    Authority used to look like expertise delivered from above. Now it looks like someone slightly ahead of you, explaining what worked and what didn’t, without pretending to have solved everything. That doesn’t mean institutions are obsolete. It means they failed to meet people where they were.

     

    Social media didn’t replace banks, advisors, or financial education. Institutions left a gap, and the internet filled it. Not always accurately. Not always safely. But in a way that feels immediate, democratic, and legible to a generation used to decoding the world in motion.

     

    For older readers trying to understand this shift, the question isn’t why Gen Z trusts TikTok. It’s why so many formal systems still make understanding money feel like homework instead of a conversation.

     

    Once you answer that, the feed starts to make a lot more sense.

  • Where Did All Our Third Places Go?

    On most evenings in mid-20th-century Mumbai, Shivaji Park was not an “amenity.” It was just where people went. Elderly men walked its perimeter. Teenagers practised cricket with taped tennis balls. Women sat on the grass and talked. No tickets. No programming. No expectation that anyone needed to be doing something productive.

     

    Similar scenes existed elsewhere. In New York, Jane Jacobs wrote about Washington Square Park in the 1950s and 60s as a place people passed through, paused in, argued in, lingered in. In Seoul, neighbourhood parks and local jjimjilbangs functioned as everyday social infrastructure well before the city’s current emphasis on speed, efficiency, and twenty-four-hour productivity. These spaces were not neutral or perfect, but they shared a defining feature: you could be there without explanation.

     

    That condition has become increasingly rare.

     

    An al fresco cafè | Image Credit: Sami TÜRK on Pexels

     

    In 1989, American sociologist Ray Oldenburg gave these environments a name in The Great Good Place. He called them “third places”: informal, low-cost spaces outside home and work where people could gather without obligation. Oldenburg’s argument was not sentimental. He was precise. What made third places work was not charm or design, but accessibility. They tolerated idleness. They allowed regulars without requiring membership. They made room for people whose only reason for showing up was time.

     

    What has changed since then is not simply taste. It is structured.

     

    Most third places did not disappear overnight. They were slowly made inhospitable. In Mumbai, Irani cafés like Kyani and Café Ideal once functioned as all-day linger spaces, especially for people who had nowhere else to go between shifts or errands. Rising rents, shrinking margins, and redevelopment pressures have since pushed cafés toward faster turnover. Sitting too long now carries an implicit cost.

     

    In New York, public seating has been systematically reduced or redesigned. Benches are removed, divided, or made deliberately uncomfortable. Parks that once absorbed unstructured social life are increasingly surveilled, policed, or programmed. The goal is not gathering, but control. Space that does not circulate people efficiently or generate revenue is treated as a problem to be managed.

     

    This is not accidental. Cities over the last three decades have been redesigned around transit, productivity, and risk mitigation. Loitering becomes a security concern. Lingering becomes inefficiency. Free time, once an ordinary part of public life, starts to read as indulgence.

     

    So the question is not whether third places mattered. They did. The harder question is why we have become so comfortable designing cities that no longer tolerate them.

     

    The language follows the logic. “Third place” now appears in real estate decks and brand strategy documents, used to describe co-working cafés, members’ clubs, or lifestyle lounges. These spaces promise community, but only through access. You can belong, but briefly. You can stay, but not for free. Presence is permitted only when it can be justified, monetised, or optimised.

     

    Functionally, this changes how social life feels.

     

    When cafés double as offices, sitting without a laptop becomes suspect. When libraries close or shrink, quiet public refuge disappears. When promenades are designed as backdrops for events and content, stillness feels out of place. The value of doing nothing together erodes, replaced by the expectation that time in public must produce something: work, networking, or proof.

     

    The pandemic accelerated this shift, but it did not invent it. Lockdowns disrupted social reflexes, and the return to public life came with new rules. Interaction felt safer when it was structured: a class, a workshop, a ticketed gathering. Presence alone no longer felt sufficient. There had to be a reason. A receipt.

     

    What gets lost in this transition is difficult to measure, which is why it is easy to dismiss. It is not just space, but familiarity. The quiet recognition of seeing the same strangers every week. The trust that forms without conversation. These are social capacities that emerge slowly, and only in places where people are allowed to exist without performing usefulness.

     

    A crowded restaurant at daytime | Image Credit: CHUTTERSNAP on Unsplash

     

    People sense this loss, even if they do not name it. That is why new, improvised versions keep appearing. Community fridges on street corners. Zine fairs in half-empty malls. Chai circles in parking lots. Skate crews occupying forgotten patches of city. These are not nostalgic recreations. They are workarounds. Evidence that the desire for unstructured public life persists even as the conditions that once supported it are withdrawn.

     

    So the question is not whether third places mattered. They did. The harder question is why we have become so comfortable designing cities that no longer tolerate them.

     

    Not everything needs to be activated. Not every gathering needs a theme. Sometimes what is missing is not innovation, but permission: a place where you can sit, take up space, and not be asked what you are doing there.

  • The Serial Connection: Why African Audiences Can’t Get Enough of Indian TV Melodrama

    On weekday evenings in Lagos, Dar es Salaam, and Nairobi, living rooms flicker to life with the faces of Indian television stars. Not Bollywood blockbusters or slick Netflix thrillers, but family sagas, slow-burn betrayals, and long-lost twins reunited after years of presumed death. Shows like Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi, Jodha Akbar, and Kumkum Bhagya are being watched and deeply felt across Africa. And dubbing them into Swahili, Hausa, or Amharic has only amplified this emotional resonance.

     

    It’s a phenomenon so large and longstanding that it often goes unremarked. Indian soap operas, with their high-drama arcs and intergenerational moral tensions, have found fertile ground across African markets for over two decades. The connection is not about language or geography, but emotion. Where Western programming often values irony, detachment, or realism, Indian serials offer something else entirely. Perhaps it is sincerity. Grand declarations of love, devotion to family, and a clearly marked moral universe in which tradition wrestles with modernity (and usually wins).

     

    For many African viewers, this feels deeply familiar. In interviews, Tanzanian fans describe Saraswati Chandra as “just like our aunties,” while Kenyan viewers say the storylines “mirror our family struggles.” Ethiopian teens mimic Hindi catchphrases with ease. While at first glance it may seem like superficial exoticism, look closer and you will find that it is a recognition of shared social rhythms, an affection for the dramatic, an understanding of generational duty, and a narrative world which resonates across continents.

     

    The India–Africa soap opera connection is a reminder that influence doesn’t always wear prestige. Sometimes it wears sindoor, cries in temple courtyards, and cuts to commercials just as the truth is about to be revealed.

     

    But how did we get here? The pipeline was first laid by satellite TV in the early 2000s, with networks like Zee World and StarTimes curating dubbed Indian serials for African audiences. What began as an experiment became a mainstay. Today, Zee World broadcasts in over 40 African countries, with some Indian serials outperforming Western content in prime-time slots. A 2020 Nigerian media survey found viewers trusted Indian shows more than American ones to “reflect family values.” In South Africa, Zee World ranks among the top five most-watched pay-TV channels, reaching an estimated 5 million households weekly.

     

    Indian soap operas’ resonance has quietly built a new kind of cultural alliance, South to South, rooted in emotion rather than economy. For a country often preoccupied with Western recognition, the impact in Africa offers a different model, one in which India is not a junior partner in a global entertainment order, but a storyteller with its own gravitational pull.

     

    The pull can be powerful enough to shape life choices. Shiv, who grew up in Tanzania, told us, “My grandmother initially refused to move from India. She didn’t know the language, didn’t think she’d have a community, and just did not want to start over in her retirement.” 

     

    “Then she learned her favourite serials would be on television there. She moved. Those shows became a bridge. They became a way to connect with strangers in grocery store lines and on park benches, a shared script that made a foreign city feel familiar.”

     

    And the influence is not one-way. African audiences are not passive consumers. They’re active interpreters. In Uganda, fan clubs dissect plotlines online, swapping predictions and memes. In Ghana, Indian-style weddings, with lehengas and sangeet nights no less, are growing in popularity. Nigerian TikTokers reenact scenes from Kasamh Se, complete with melodramatic eye zooms and background scores.

     

    A still from Iss Pyar Ko Kya Naam Doon or Strange Love | Image Credit: IMDb

     

    There are, of course, questions of context. Indian shows are deeply heteronormative, and often reinforce caste and class hierarchies. But in many African markets, these nuances translate differently, or are reframed entirely. What gets transmitted is the emotional architecture of duty, longing, family loyalty, and the weight of history. Viewers aren’t necessarily adopting Indian values wholesale, they are doing what we often do with values that come from culture. They are adapting them, localising them, and making them their own.

     

    As streaming platforms take centre stage, the model is evolving. Shows like Anupamaa and Yeh Rishta Kya Kehlata Hai are now available online, and African creators are responding with soap operas of their own, ones which are heavily inspired by the Indian template, but set in Nairobi apartments and Accra markets. In its own way, the Indian soap opera has become a genre blueprint, one that transcends borders without needing subtitles.

     

    The world we live in is often fixated on the Emmys, Oscars, Rotten Tomatoes scores. But the India–Africa soap opera connection is a reminder that influence doesn’t always wear prestige. Sometimes it wears sindoor, cries in temple courtyards, and cuts to commercials just as the truth is about to be revealed. It’s messy, emotional, and deeply effective, But more importantly, it shapes global taste, one slow zoom at a time.